In previous disasters to strike the globe—whether tsunamis, hurricanes, or epidemics—the U.S. has always been front-and-center in the response. In the charge against the COVID-19 pandemic, however, America has been conspicuous by its absence.
The Biden administration has reversed previous policy and begun to assist other countries in their fight against COVID-19. However, the actions so far have been timid and halting, falling well short of American ideals and its tradition of bold leadership.
Unquestionably, it is every government’s responsibility to take care of its own citizens first. However, the U.S. has already procured enough vaccines for the entire U.S. population. In February, the U.S. signed deals with Pfizer and Moderna bringing up the supply from them to 600 million (enough for 300 million people). It has ordered 100 million doses of the Johnson & Johnson vaccine, and has orders with Novavax and AstraZeneca as well.
It will soon become hard to escape the conclusion that the U.S. is hoarding vaccines. Much the same is true for the U.K., European Union, and Canada. Even making allowances for prudence, the stockpiles seem excessive.
Where the U.S. has been inwardly focused, other countries—notably China, India, and Russia—have been engaging in what has been called “vaccine diplomacy.” All three have made donations and sales to a number of countries.
These flows largely follow strategic interests. In China’s case, vaccines have been delivered to countries in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America; from Russia they have gone to Eastern Europe and Central Asia; and in India’s case, the emphasis has been on its neighboring countries (Pakistan excluded). Interestingly, India’s Ministry of External Affairs keeps a running total on its website, and lists 77 countries to which Indian-made vaccines have been supplied (through grants, commercial contracts, or the COVAX initiative to achieve equitable vaccine access globally).
Concerns have been raised about the effectiveness of the Chinese and Russian vaccines. India produces the AstraZeneca vaccine as well as a domestic vaccine from Bharat Biotech (which also has efficacy concerns). However, in the absence of access to Western vaccines, many countries have chosen to go with these alternatives.
The quantities of vaccines delivered so far are not large, but they have created opportunities for positive PR. For instance, Turkey’s rollout of China’s Sinovac vaccine came tagged with the image of President Erdogan receiving it.
These countries’ willingness to share vaccines will likely be remembered long into the future. The Quad Summit (a meeting of the heads of state of the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India) in early March was an attempt to counter China’s vaccine diplomacy.
The group presented a plan to finance and distribute 1 billion vaccine doses, to be produced in India, in the Indo-Pacific region. However, since the summit ended, India has seen a surge in COVID-19 cases and appears to be cutting back on exports. So it remains to be seen whether, and how soon, the Quad follows through on the agreement.
The vaccine situation in low- and medium-income countries has been made worse by two other actions: new U.S. rules restricting the export of raw materials essential to vaccine production; and the U.S. and other rich countries’ opposition to waiving a World Trade Organization rule protecting the intellectual property of COVID-19 vaccines and treatments.
The West seems to be passing on an opportunity to enhance its soft power. But even if one were to discount the importance of soft-power diplomacy, the Western response is incomprehensible for at least three reasons.
First, the hoarding of vaccines does not help the West fight COVID-19. So long as the pandemic continues to rage around the world, new coronavirus variants resistant to existing vaccines are likely to arise and spread globally.
Second, vaccine nationalism has adverse economic effects. In an interconnected global economy, if large parts of the world remain devastated by the pandemic, the impacts are felt elsewhere.
Finally, the pandemic has elevated global public perceptions of the Chinese and Indian pharmaceutical sectors’ capabilities, possibly at the expense of U.S. pharma companies. Moreover, less-developed countries now know that in the event of another global health crisis, they are essentially on their own, and need to invest in domestic capabilities.
U.S. leadership during past global crises has cemented its standing and influence in the world, and furthered its geopolitical and economic interests. It is past time for the U.S. to do the same in its vaccine diplomacy. Vaccinating the world’s population must become an American priority.
Kislaya Prasad is the academic director for the Center for Global Business at the University of Maryland and a research professor for the university’s online MBA in business analytics program.
