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How the climate battle moved from boardrooms to courtrooms and backrooms

By
Peter Vanham
Peter Vanham
Editorial Director, Leadership
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By
Peter Vanham
Peter Vanham
Editorial Director, Leadership
Down Arrow Button Icon
February 15, 2024, 12:57 PM ET
EXX.0721.Exxon Mobil Protest
Environmental activists rallying outside the New York Supreme Court in October 2019.Drew Angerer—Getty images

There’s an interesting phenomenon taking place in sustainability: The battleground over climate transition plans is moving from lobbying management and shareholder meetings to legal courts and the legislative lobby.

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The legal battle is playing out in places like Texas, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, where courts are now ruling on matters that might otherwise be put in front of company general meetings, management, or boards. Meanwhile, trade lobbying of lawmakers is faced with increased scrutiny from NGOs and activists, which target trade associations over their conservative climate lobbying.

After writing last week about the legal proceedings of Exxon Mobil against its activist climate shareholders Follow This and Arjuna Capital, I spoke to Follow This founder Mark van Baal. Because of the ongoing proceedings, he couldn’t say much, but it’s clear that going to court over shareholder proposals is unusual: In conflicts between shareholders and company management, the relevant arbiter is usually the Securities and Exchange Commission, not a court.

Then again, climate activists too have increasingly been going to court in recent years to force companies to adopt more ambitious climate transition plans. Two years ago, a Dutch court ordered its oil giant, Royal Dutch Shell, to lower its carbon emissions by 45% following a complaint from several climate groups. There has been a litany of climate cases against companies ever since. Columbia University’s Sabin Center for Climate Change Law counted at least 192 of them around the world.

Climate activists may have gotten there first, but Exxon’s case shows that companies, too, have used the judicial system to go after their climate transition opponents.

Similarly, trade lobby associations are finding themselves increasingly in the eye of the storm when it comes to climate activists and NGOs. Paul Polman, the former Unilever CEO turned climate activist, was one of the first and most prominent proponents of targeting trade associations over climate. He called out the hypocrisy of companies publicly touting their climate credentials while lobbying against climate action in his 2022 book Net Positive.

NGOs and other groups have been following in his footsteps in recent months. Just this week, Planet Tracker, one such NGO, put out a report listing the trade associations in the consumer and chemical sectors that are non-aligned with the Paris climate agreement. They also pointed out which companies were members of these associations, which include Air Liquide, BASF, Dow, and P&G.

“If a company is sincere [in pursuing climate goals], but they are in a trade association that is absolutely not upholding that goal setting, then what is the company really saying?” Robin Millington, Planet Tracker’s CEO, told me. “We’re all acutely aware that greenwashing can be very subtle and very clever.”

Her organization put out the report with the aim of shaming the trade associations in question, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the German Chemical Association, and showing companies what she deems “better practices” for dealing with misaligned trade lobbies. (LyondellBasell, for example, put out a climate advocacy report that created transparency over which lobbying groups it was part of and the steps it had taken to prevent misalignment over climate with them.)

Taken together, these and other actions, both by activists and companies, show that legal courts and lobbying groups are now fair game in the battle over climate action. It’s a welcome evolution, but one that could have unintended consequences.

More news below.

Peter Vanham
Executive editor, Fortune
peter.vanham@fortune.com

This edition of Impact Report was edited by Holly Ojalvo.

ON OUR RADAR

Is climate activism making Big Oil bigger? (Fortune)

2023 saw a surge in global M&A activity in the oil and gas sector, partially driven by climate activism and regulation, EY's Andrea Guerzoni wrote in a Fortune commentary piece this week. "This high level of activity may dishearten the many who want a faster energy transition," he said, "but it could be an indicator of progress. It is becoming clear that global capital markets are restricting their funding of new oil and gas projects. With higher costs of capital to fund new projects from a smaller capital base, it will be left to larger players to develop the still-needed resources necessary to manage the net-zero transition." 

The carbon price that is already here: Home insurance (Financial Times)

Last year a "record-breaking number of natural catastrophes" caused more than $1 billion in insurance losses, the Financial Times reported in its "Big Read" column this week, citing data from Aon. And with climate change leading to ever more such catastrophes, one consequence is that homeowners in at-risk coastal regions in the U.S. and elsewhere are now left with homes that are uninsurable. It is a de facto carbon tax, and one that will only increase as time goes by. 

This is the web version of Impact Report, a weekly newsletter on the latest ESG trends and news that are shaping the future of business. Sign up to get it delivered free to your inbox.
About the Author
By Peter VanhamEditorial Director, Leadership
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Peter Vanham is editorial director, leadership, at Fortune.

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