I recently examined how localized restrictions to abortion access affect the amount of time it takes a woman to drive to a clinic for reproductive care. What I found exposes the false dichotomy between economic prosperity and abortion access for what it is.

My new interactive digital report published by the Center for American Progress provides a first-of-its-kind analysis of abortion drive times by congressional district, building upon data collection and research by Dr. Caitlin Knowles Myers and her colleagues. This work shows how far women aged 15 to 44 have to drive to access abortion care in their congressional district—a drive that could be as quick as five minutes in parts of California or as grueling as 11 hours one-way in parts of Texas.

This data from September 2023 paints a picture of how rapidly the landscape of abortion access continues to evolve post-Dobbs. For example, Florida’s extreme abortion ban recently went into effect, forcing women at more than six weeks of gestation to drive lengths similar to that of Texas women.

Examining this travel time data by age, gender, race and ethnicity, and income revealed stunning disparities in abortion access by certain demographics and socioeconomic status. Long drive times reinforce and exacerbate gaps in economic security for women, and they’re also correlated with larger gender wage gaps and lower earnings. These effects are most acutely felt by low-income women and women of color—particularly Black and Native American women, who are most often harmed by policies limiting their ability to make health decisions.

Here’s where the false dichotomy comes into play

Policymakers may know their constituents have to endure long drives to access abortion care, but do they know those same women who have to take the eight-hour trip also make 11% less per year than women living in districts with shorter travel times? That pay gap—$4,287 to be exact—is more than what the average household spends every year on electricity, water, and phone bills combined.

There’s plenty of reliable research indicating that increased access to abortion care creates better economic outcomes for women and their families—higher wages, less debt, fewer evictions and more. And when a woman has to travel long distances for an abortion, she’ll pay more for gas, time off from work, a babysitter, and likely even a hotel for an overnight stay. The women who can least afford these expenses have to go the farthest to get the care they need.

Taken together, long drive times to access abortion care and the correlating economic difficulties women face in those same geographic areas give us a better sense of why abortion and the economy are consistently so important to voters. Put simply: These long drive times translate into lost wages and reduced long-term economic mobility, especially for women of color.

Drive times to abortion clinics in Republican-represented districts are over double what they are in districts represented by Democrats in Congress. Meanwhile, women in Republican-led districts also tend to take home smaller paychecks than women in Democrat-led districts. This is why it’s also important for representatives to create policies that support access to abortion care—like paid family and medical leave, sick time, access to good, well-paying jobs, and high-quality, affordable child care.  

Women should have the right to access abortion care, and they should be able to access it without sacrificing hours or even days to get to a clinic, regardless of where they live. But my analysis demonstrates the importance of approaching abortion access and economic security as two sides of the same coin. Because when essential health care is restricted, it’s not just women who suffer.

The distinction between economic growth and reproductive freedom is notional. The reality is that when women are empowered to choose how and when to form a family, they’re better off economically. And when women thrive economically, everyone benefits.

Sara Estep is the associate director for the Women’s Initiative at the Center for American Progress.

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